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IP: NY Times: What will New York be like on Sept. 11, 2011?
From: David Farber <dave () farber net>
Date: Mon, 10 Dec 2001 13:20:49 -0500
From: Dewayne Hendricks <dewayne () warpspeed com> [Note: This item comes from reader Robert Berger. DLH] At 9:51 -0800 12/10/01, Robert J. Berger wrote:From: "Robert J. Berger" <rberger () ultradevices com>To: Dave Farber <farber () cis upenn edu>, Dewayne Hendricks <dewayne () warpspeed com>Subject: NY Times: What will New York be like on Sept. 11, 2011? Date: Mon, 10 Dec 2001 09:51:36 -0800 MIME-Version: 1.0 [a bit pessimistic, but sobering] 2011 By NIALL FERGUSON December 2, 2001 <http://www.nytimes.com/2001/12/02/magazine/02TENYEARS.html> Take the long view. What will New York be like on Sept. 11, 2011? It's not difficult to imagine a rather wretched future. You need only visit one of those cities -- Jerusalem or Belfast -- that have been fractured by terrorism and religious strife to get a glimpse. Imagine a segregated city, with a kind of Muslim ghetto in an outer borough that non-Muslims can enter only -- if they dare -- with a special endorsement on their ID cards. Imagine security checkpoints at every tunnel and bridge leading into Manhattan, where armed antiterrorist troops check every vehicle for traces of explosives and prohibited toxins. Does that mean you also have to count on even worse gridlock on the Van Wyck Expressway? No, because you also need to imagine a decline in the number of cars on the road. For by 2011, the third and final oil shock will have heralded the end of the internal-combustion era. Still, there will be some comfort to be found downtown. There, rising like a phoenix from the rubble of the World Trade Center, will be that gleaming monument to American resilience: the twin towers of the Nafta Center. Even if world trade couldn't be rebuilt after the Great Depression of 2002-03, at least the city's beloved landmark could. And the new towers will be even taller -- thanks to the antiaircraft turrets on top. In its immediate aftermath, the destruction of the World Trade Center looked like one of those events -- the assassination at Sarajevo, the bombing of Pearl Harbor -- that set history on a new course. Some excitable commentators began talking about ''World War III'' almost the same day the twin towers fell. That's one possible future. Much more likely, however, is the nightmare scene sketched above. That's because this outcome could arise out of already discernible trends, all of which predated Sept. 11, 2001. Tragic and spectacular though it was, that event was far less of a turning point than is generally believed. We should be wary, in fact, of ever attaching too much importance to any single event. It was not Gavrilo Princip alone who started World War I. In his great novel, ''The Man Without Qualities,'' Robert Musil dismissed the idea that history moves in a straight line like a billiard ball, changing direction only when struck. For Musil, history was more like ''the passage of clouds,'' constantly in flux, never predictable. That quality is what makes it impossible to predict where exactly we will be 10 years from now. Yet Musil's analogy of history and clouds illuminates something else. Though the weather is hard to forecast, the range of possible weathers is not infinitely large. It may not rain tomorrow, but we know that if it does, it will rain water, not boiling oil. It may not be quite as warm as yesterday, but we know that it will not be minus 50 degrees. In other words, Sept. 11 was the historical equivalent of a violent and unpredictable storm. But the storm did not alter the fact that summer was slowly shading into fall. In just the same way, the attacks on New York and Washington, however shocking, did not alter the direction of several underlying historical trends. In many respects the world will not be so very different in 2011 from the world as it would have evolved under the influence of those trends, even had the attacks not happened. The first deep trend is obvious enough: the spread of terrorism -- that is to say the use of violence by nonstate organizations in the pursuit of extreme political goals -- to the United States. This kind of terrorism has been around for quite a while. Hijacking planes is certainly not new: since the late 1960's, when the tactic first began to be used systematically by the Palestine Liberation Organization and its sympathizers, there have been some 500 hijackings. As for the tactic of flying planes directly at populous targets, what else were the 3,913 Japanese pilots doing who killed themselves and many more American servicemen flying kamikaze missions in 1944 and 1945? All that was really new on Sept. 11 was that these tried-and-tested tactics were applied in combination and in the United States. Between 1995 and 2000, according to State Department figures, there were more than 2,100 international terrorist attacks. But just 15 of them occurred in North America, causing just seven casualties. It was the successful extension of international terrorism to the United States that was the novelty. A novelty, yes, but hardly a surprise. Terrorism had been a fact of life in major cities around the world -- including New York's elder sister London -- for decades. The only surprising thing was that New York was spared for so long. Put it this way: if economics could be globalized, why not political violence? The two are in fact connected. Year after year it becomes easier for small bands of fanatics to perpetrate mass destruction because the means of destruction get cheaper and more readily available. The last time I checked, a used AK-47 assault rifle could be purchased in the United States for $700 and a new one for $1,395, almost exactly the price of the portable computer on which this article was written. In the same way, the real cost of a nuclear warhead -- and certainly the real cost of a kiloton of nuclear yield -- is lower today than at any time since the Manhattan Project achieved its goal. That cost two billion 1945 dollars. Converted into 2001 prices, that figure rises roughly tenfold, which is enough to buy more than 400 Trident II missiles. (Let's face it: if nukes were expensive, Pakistan wouldn't have them.) It seems reasonable to assume that the same process has reduced the cost of biological weapons like refined anthrax. The bad news is that no amount of warfare against the states that harbor terrorists will rule out further attacks. The Western European experience of combating leftist and nationalist terrorism shows that the real war against terrorism has to be fought on the home front by domestic intelligence agencies, police forces and humdrum security guards around all potential targets. So, welcome to the world of the daily security check, the fortnightly bomb scare and the annual explosion. Ten years from now, New York firefighters and Washington postal workers will feel the same weary resignation that Londoners developed during the I.R.A.'s bombing campaign. he second trend that Sept. 11 did nothing to change is the economic downturn. The asset bubble of the late 1990's peaked a year and a half before the terrorists struck. And despite their proximity to Wall Street, the real crashes of Sept. 11 did not cause a metaphorical crash on the stock market -- just its temporary closure. Admittedly, in the immediate aftermath of the attacks, investors had to grit their teeth as prices threatened to go into free fall. Yet so far, the deflation of the late 1990's asset price bubble has been a gentle affair compared with the cataclysmic meltdown that followed the bubble of the 1920's. To give some orders of magnitude, a crash on the 1929-32 scale would take the Dow down from over 11,723 -- where it stood at its peak in January last year -- to about 1,266 by November next year. On Nov. 15, it stood at 9,872, less than 3 percent down from Sept. 10. When Alan Greenspan coined the phrase ''irrational exuberance,'' the index was 6,473. In this light, the most striking thing about the economic consequences of Sept. 11 would seem to be their insignificance. A 3 percent drop in the Dow is nothing. Oil prices, too, have continued their yearlong decline. And there has been virtually no movement in long-term interest rates, which might have been expected at a time of increased political risk. Nevertheless, the world economy has two serious economic weaknesses -- also predating Sept. 11 -- that cannot be ignored.
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- IP: NY Times: What will New York be like on Sept. 11, 2011? David Farber (Dec 10)