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IP: NY Times: What will New York be like on Sept. 11, 2011?


From: David Farber <dave () farber net>
Date: Mon, 10 Dec 2001 13:20:49 -0500


From: Dewayne Hendricks <dewayne () warpspeed com>

[Note:  This item comes from reader Robert Berger.  DLH]

At 9:51 -0800 12/10/01, Robert J. Berger wrote:
From: "Robert J. Berger" <rberger () ultradevices com>
To: Dave Farber <farber () cis upenn edu>, Dewayne Hendricks <dewayne () warpspeed com>
Subject: NY Times: What will New York be like on Sept. 11, 2011?
Date: Mon, 10 Dec 2001 09:51:36 -0800
MIME-Version: 1.0

[a bit pessimistic, but sobering]

2011
By NIALL FERGUSON
December 2, 2001
<http://www.nytimes.com/2001/12/02/magazine/02TENYEARS.html>

Take the long view. What will New York be like on Sept. 11, 2011?
It's not difficult to imagine a rather wretched future. You need only
visit one of those cities -- Jerusalem or Belfast -- that have been
fractured by terrorism and religious strife to get a glimpse. Imagine
a segregated city, with a kind of Muslim ghetto in an outer borough
that non-Muslims can enter only -- if they dare -- with a special
endorsement on their ID cards. Imagine security checkpoints at every
tunnel and bridge leading into Manhattan, where armed antiterrorist
troops check every vehicle for traces of explosives and prohibited
toxins.

Does that mean you also have to count on even worse gridlock on the
Van Wyck Expressway? No, because you also need to imagine a decline in
the number of cars on the road. For by 2011, the third and final oil
shock will have heralded the end of the internal-combustion era.

Still, there will be some comfort to be found downtown. There, rising
like a phoenix from the rubble of the World Trade Center, will be that
gleaming monument to American resilience: the twin towers of the Nafta
Center. Even if world trade couldn't be rebuilt after the Great
Depression of 2002-03, at least the city's beloved landmark could. And
the new towers will be even taller -- thanks to the antiaircraft
turrets on top.

In its immediate aftermath, the destruction of the World Trade Center
looked like one of those events -- the assassination at Sarajevo, the
bombing of Pearl Harbor -- that set history on a new course. Some
excitable commentators began talking about ''World War III'' almost
the same day the twin towers fell. That's one possible future. Much
more likely, however, is the nightmare scene sketched above. That's
because this outcome could arise out of already discernible trends,
all of which predated Sept. 11, 2001. Tragic and spectacular though it
was, that event was far less of a turning point than is generally
believed.

We should be wary, in fact, of ever attaching too much importance to
any single event. It was not Gavrilo Princip alone who started World
War I. In his great novel, ''The Man Without Qualities,'' Robert Musil
dismissed the idea that history moves in a straight line like a
billiard ball, changing direction only when struck.  For Musil,
history was more like ''the passage of clouds,'' constantly in flux,
never predictable. That quality is what makes it impossible to predict
where exactly we will be 10 years from now.

Yet Musil's analogy of history and clouds illuminates something
else. Though the weather is hard to forecast, the range of possible
weathers is not infinitely large. It may not rain tomorrow, but we
know that if it does, it will rain water, not boiling oil. It may not
be quite as warm as yesterday, but we know that it will not be minus
50 degrees.

In other words, Sept. 11 was the historical equivalent of a violent
and unpredictable storm. But the storm did not alter the fact that
summer was slowly shading into fall. In just the same way, the attacks
on New York and Washington, however shocking, did not alter the
direction of several underlying historical trends. In many respects
the world will not be so very different in 2011 from the world as it
would have evolved under the influence of those trends, even had the
attacks not happened.

The first deep trend is obvious enough: the spread of terrorism --
that is to say the use of violence by nonstate organizations in the
pursuit of extreme political goals -- to the United States. This kind
of terrorism has been around for quite a while. Hijacking planes is
certainly not new: since the late 1960's, when the tactic first began
to be used systematically by the Palestine Liberation Organization and
its sympathizers, there have been some 500 hijackings. As for the
tactic of flying planes directly at populous targets, what else were
the 3,913 Japanese pilots doing who killed themselves and many more
American servicemen flying kamikaze missions in 1944 and 1945?

All that was really new on Sept. 11 was that these tried-and-tested
tactics were applied in combination and in the United States. Between
1995 and 2000, according to State Department figures, there were more
than 2,100 international terrorist attacks. But just 15 of them
occurred in North America, causing just seven casualties. It was the
successful extension of international terrorism to the United States
that was the novelty.

A novelty, yes, but hardly a surprise. Terrorism had been a fact of
life in major cities around the world -- including New York's elder
sister London -- for decades. The only surprising thing was that New
York was spared for so long. Put it this way: if economics could be
globalized, why not political violence? The two are in fact
connected. Year after year it becomes easier for small bands of
fanatics to perpetrate mass destruction because the means of
destruction get cheaper and more readily available. The last time I
checked, a used AK-47 assault rifle could be purchased in the United
States for $700 and a new one for $1,395, almost exactly the price of
the portable computer on which this article was written.

In the same way, the real cost of a nuclear warhead -- and certainly
the real cost of a kiloton of nuclear yield -- is lower today than at
any time since the Manhattan Project achieved its goal. That cost two
billion 1945 dollars. Converted into 2001 prices, that figure rises
roughly tenfold, which is enough to buy more than 400 Trident II
missiles. (Let's face it: if nukes were expensive, Pakistan wouldn't
have them.) It seems reasonable to assume that the same process has
reduced the cost of biological weapons like refined anthrax.

The bad news is that no amount of warfare against the states that
harbor terrorists will rule out further attacks. The Western European
experience of combating leftist and nationalist terrorism shows that
the real war against terrorism has to be fought on the home front by
domestic intelligence agencies, police forces and humdrum security
guards around all potential targets.

So, welcome to the world of the daily security check, the fortnightly
bomb scare and the annual explosion.  Ten years from now, New York
firefighters and Washington postal workers will feel the same weary
resignation that Londoners developed during the I.R.A.'s bombing
campaign.

     he second trend that Sept. 11 did nothing to change is the
economic downturn. The asset bubble of the late 1990's peaked a year
and a half before the terrorists struck. And despite their proximity
to Wall Street, the real crashes of Sept. 11 did not cause a
metaphorical crash on the stock market -- just its temporary closure.

Admittedly, in the immediate aftermath of the attacks, investors had
to grit their teeth as prices threatened to go into free fall. Yet so
far, the deflation of the late 1990's asset price bubble has been a
gentle affair compared with the cataclysmic meltdown that followed the
bubble of the 1920's. To give some orders of magnitude, a crash on the
1929-32 scale would take the Dow down from over 11,723 -- where it
stood at its peak in January last year -- to about 1,266 by November
next year. On Nov. 15, it stood at 9,872, less than 3 percent down
from Sept. 10. When Alan Greenspan coined the phrase ''irrational
exuberance,'' the index was 6,473. In this light, the most striking
thing about the economic consequences of Sept. 11 would seem to be
their insignificance. A 3 percent drop in the Dow is nothing. Oil
prices, too, have continued their yearlong decline. And there has been
virtually no movement in long-term interest rates, which might have
been expected at a time of increased political risk.

Nevertheless, the world economy has two serious economic weaknesses --
also predating Sept. 11 -- that cannot be ignored.


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