Interesting People mailing list archives

IP: Book Review: REPUBLIC.COM


From: David Farber <dave () farber net>
Date: Fri, 16 Mar 2001 11:04:49 -0500




Date: Fri, 16 Mar 2001 02:12:16 -0500
To: David Farber <dave () farber net>
From: Matthew Gaylor <freematt () coil com>
Subject: Book Review: REPUBLIC.COM

Title: REPUBLIC.COM
Author: Cass Sunstein
Princeton University Press
Cloth $19.95  ISBN: 0-691-07025-3
224 pages. 5 x 7. (2001)
US Pub. Date: March 19, 2001
Foreign Pub. Date: April 11, 2001

*** Read the first chapter online for free, click here:
http://pup.princeton.edu/chapters/s7014.html

Cass Sunstein is the Karl N. Llewellyn Distinguished Service Professor of 
Jurisprudence at the University of Chicago Law School and Department of 
Political Science. A former law clerk for Justice Thurgood Marshall, he 
has worked for the Office of Legal Counsel in the US Department of Justice.

His former works include: "Democracy and the Problem of Free Speech" 
(1993), which won the Goldsmith Prize from Harvard for the best book on 
free speech in that year. "After the Rights Revolution" (1990), "The 
Partial Constitution" (1993), "Free Markets and Social Justice" (1997), 
and "One Case at a Time: Judicial Minimalism on the Supreme Court" 
(1999).  His writings have appeared in the New York Times, and the New 
Republic.  He has also appeared on ABC's Nightline, the NewsHour with Jim 
Lehrer, NBC and CBS evening news and other programming.

In "Republic.Com" Cass Sunstein makes the point that in cyberspace 
individuals now have the ability to filter out everything they don't want 
to read or see and filter in only those whose opinions they agree 
with.  He calls this the "Daily Me", the ability to filter only the issues 
that concern you, read only the op-eds that only share your point of 
view.  In short he fears that the Internet will bring about a lack of 
diversity and will amplify extremism and hate groups (Whatever that 
means).  He writes of "cybercascades" that brings groups of people 
together who share similar viewpoints that in turn causes group 
polarization and radicalization.

Here's how he says it works: "Thus, for example, a group whose members 
lean against gun control will, in discussion, provide a wide range of 
arguments against gun control, and the arguments made for gun control will 
be both fewer and weaker.  The group's members, to the extent that they 
shift, will shift toward a more extreme position against gun control.  And 
the group as a whole, if a group decision is required, will move not to 
the median position, but to a more extreme point." (Chapter 3, pages 67 68)

He does his argument great damage by using as an example of a hate and 
extremist group the usual left wing target, The National Rifle Association 
(NRA) He trots out the usual suspects such as Skinheads and the KKK and 
fails to mention any of the other hate groups such as American supporters 
of Peru's shining path, environmental terrorists who spike logging areas, 
World Trade Organization protestors/rioters or other left wing 
extremists.  In Chapter three Sunstein speaks of the gun rights movement 
alongside the KKK, God Hates Fags, and other hate groups in what can only 
be considered as an attempt of guilt by association.

In Chapter seven, Sunstein writes: "FREE SPEECH IS NOT AN ABSOLUTE" his 
caps not mine.  In fact he mentions this line several times throughout the 
book.  He continues: "We can identify some flaws in the emerging view of 
the First Amendment by investigating the idea that the free speech 
guarantee is "an absolute", in the specific sense that government may not 
regulate speech at all.  This view plays a large role in public debate, 
and in some ways it is a salutary myth." He mentions the usual examples of 
child pornography, copyright and threats to assassinate the President as 
examples of the government restricting speech.   He creates what I 
consider a straw man argument by prefacing these remarks for his "Policies 
and Proposals" in Chapter eight.

He laments the fact that in the past the Public Broadcasting System (PBS) 
in a four station universe had a significant voice.  But with the advent 
of programming with hundreds of choices the justification for PBS is diluted.

As a partial solution he endorses Andrew Shapiro's suggestion from the 
book "The Control Revolution" that the government should support a public 
website, Public.Net. Sunstein writes: "Public.Net would provide an icon, 
visible on your home computer.  You would be under no obligation to click 
on it; indeed in a free society perhaps you should be permitted to remove 
the icon if you really do not like it." He envisions Public.Net to include 
sections on the "environment, civil rights, gun control, foreign affairs, 
and so forth." (Chapter 8, page 181)

But what I find most troubling is his idea to require websites to maintain 
hyperlinks to those with differing viewpoints.  His example on page 188:
" We might easily imagine a situation in which textual references to 
organizations or institutions are hyperlinks, so that if, for example, a 
conservative magazine such as the "National Review" refers to the World 
Wildlife Fund or Environmental Defence, it also allows readers instant 
access to their sites."

Sunstein continues: "To the extent that sites do not do this, voluntary 
self regulation through cooperative agreements might do the job.  If these 
routes do not work, it would be worthwhile considering content-neutral 
regulation, designed to ensure more in the way of both links and hyperlinks."

Princeton sent me a free review copy of Republic.Com, which I'm glad they 
did as I would have been highly upset to have paid money for it. I can 
understand why Professor Sunstein makes the suggestions he does.  In my 
opinion it has less to do with wanting to expand free and open discourse 
and more to do with control.  Who gets to decide which links get to be 
included as "opposing viewpoints"?  I did note that many of Sunstein's 
examples involved a right wing organization being forced to carry left 
wing links.

The celebrated civil libertarian, John Stuart Mill, contended that 
enlightened judgment is possible only if one considers all facts and 
ideas, from whatever source, and tests one's own conclusions against 
opposing views. Therefore, all points of view -- even those that are "bad" 
or socially harmful -- should be represented in the "marketplace of 
ideas." And the Internet is an incredibly free and eclectic smorgasbord of 
ideas. And just as we have freedom to choose which sites we visit or what 
print magazines or books we read, it would be the end of freedom as we 
know it if the government forced us to read or watch what they want, even 
if it were only a link. Thanks, but no thanks to Republic.Com.

Regards,   Matthew Gaylor-

Cass Sunstein's Homepage: http://home.uchicago.edu/~csunstei/
[Which I might add carries no links to opposing viewpoints.]

Name: Cass R. Sunstein
Work Address: University of Chicago Law School, 1111 East 60th Street, 
Chicago, Illinois, 60637
Telephone: 773-702-9498 (business)
Fax: 773-702-0730 (business)
email: Cass_Sunstein () law uchicago edu
 E-mail: csunstei () midway uchicago edu




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